From Wikipedia, the free encyclopedia
This name uses : the first or paternal
is Moscoso and the second or maternal family name is Rodríguez de Arias.
Mireya Elisa Moscoso Rodríguez de Arias (born July 1, 1946) was 's first , serving from 1999 to 2004.
Born into a poor family, Moscoso became active in the
of three-time president , following and marrying him when he went into exile after a military coup. After his death in 1988, she assumed control of his coffee business and later his political party, the
(PA). During the
for the presidency, she narrowly lost to the
(PRD) candidate
by 4% of the vote. In the , she defeated the PRD candidate
by 8% to become Panama's first female president.
During her tenure in office, she presided over the handover of the
from the US to Panama and the economic downturn that resulted from the loss of US personnel. Hobbled by new spending restrictions passed by the opposition-controlled , and her administration's corruption scandals, she had difficulty passing her legislative initiatives. Her popularity declined, and her party's candidate
lost to the PRD's Torrijos in the subsequent
to succeed her.
Moscoso is the daughter of a schoolteacher and was born into a poor family in
as the youngest of six children. She later worked as a secretary Arias had already served two partial terms as president, both times being deposed by the . He won the presidency but was again deposed by the military, this time after only nine days in office.
Arias went into exile in ,
in the US, and Moscoso followed, marrying him the subsequent year. She was 23, and he was 67. During this period, Moscoso studied
at . After Arias' 1988 death, she inherited his coffee business. On September 29, 1991, almost two years after the
that overthrew , she became president of her former husband's Arnulfista Party.
Also in 1991, Moscoso married businessman Richard Gruber. The couple adopted a son, Richard[] (born 1992). Moscoso and Gruber divorced in 1997.
In 1994, Moscoso ran as the presidential candidate of her deceased husband's
(PA) in the , seeking to succeed PA president . Her main rivals were
(PRD) candidate
and salsa singer , who was then president of the party . Moscoso and Blades sought to emphasize Pérez Balladares' connection with military ruler , broadcasting pictures of the two together, while Pérez Balladares worked to position himself as a successor to military ruler , who was regarded as a national hero. Moscoso's campaign, meanwhile, was hindered by public dissatisfaction with the perceived incompetence and corruption of Endara's government. Pérez Balladares ultimately won the election with 33% of the vote, with Moscoso receiving 29% and Blades receiving 17%.
Moscoso was named the PA candidate again in the . Her main opponent this time was , Omar Torrijos' son, named to represent the PRD after the failure of a constitutional referendum that would have allowed Pérez Balladares to run for a second term. Torrijos was selected in part to try to win back left-leaning voters after the privatizations and union restrictions instituted by Pérez Balladares. Moscoso ran on a populist platform, beginning many of her speeches with the Latin phrase "Vox populi, vox Dei" ("the voice of the people is the voice of God"), previously used by Arias to begin his own speeches. She pledged to support education, reduce poverty, and slow the pace of privatization. While Torrijos ran in large part on his father's memory—including using the campaign slogan "Omar lives"—Moscoso evoked that of her dead husband, leading Panamanians to joke that the election was a race between "two corpses". Torrijos allies also criticized Moscoso for her lack of government experience or college degree. However, unlike in 1994, it was now the PRD that was hampered by the scandals of the previous administration, and Moscoso defeated Torrijos with 45% of the vote to 37%.
Moscoso took office on September 1, 1999. Because she was divorced when she assumed the presidency, her older sister
served as her First Lady.
Facing a PRD-controlled , Moscoso was limited in her ability to make new policy. She was also hampered by strict new restraints Pérez Balladares had passed on spending public money in the final days of his term, targeted specifically at her administration.
On December 31, 1999, Moscoso oversaw the handover of the
from the US to Panama under the . Her government then faced the challenge of cleaning up environmental problems in the , where the
had long tested bombs, biological agents, and chemical weapons. Remaining issues included lead contamination, unexploded munitions, and stockpiles of . Though Moscoso fired all of Pérez Balladares' appointments from the
and appointed supermarket magnate (and future president)
as its head, the Authority retained its autonomy from her administration. At the same time, Panama's economy began to struggle due to the loss of income from American canal personnel.
Moscoso worked to end Panama's role in international crime, passing new laws against money laundering and supporting tax transparency. The legislation allowed Panama to be removed from international lists of . Meanwhile, violent crime rose sharply during Moscoso's tenure. In September 2000, under pressure from the US and some Latin American governments, Moscoso's government gave temporary asylum to former Peruvian spy chief , who had fled Peru after being videotaped bribing a member of its .
In December 2000, human remains were discovered at a Panamanian
base, incorrectly believed to be those of , a priest murdered during the Omar Torrijos dictatorship. Moscoso appointed a
to investigate the site and those at other bases. The commission faced opposition from the PRD-controlled National Assembly, who slashed its funding, and from PRD's president , who threatened to seek legal action against the president for its creation. It ultimately reported on 110 of the 148 cases it examined, of which 40 had disappeared and 70 were known to be murdered. The report concluded that the Noriega government had engaged in "torture [and] cruel, inhuman, and degrading treatment", and recommended further exhumation and investigation.
During her term, Moscoso was often accused of
for her administrative appointments and faced several corruption scandals, such as the unexplained gift of US$146,000 in watches to Legislative Assembly members. By 2001, her second year in office, Moscoso's approval rating had fallen to 23%, due to corruption scandals and concern for the economy. That year, she attempted to pass a tax reform package through the Legislative Assembly, but the proposal was opposed by both the private sector and organized labor. In 2003, the US ambassador publicly criticized Moscoso for the growth of corruption during her term. By the end of her term, her presidency was "criticized as rife with corruption and incompetence" and "widely regarded as weak and ineffectual".
Herself barred by the
from a second consecutive term, Moscoso was succeeded by her former rival
in the . Shortly before leaving office, Moscoso sparked controversy by pardoning four men—, Gaspar Jimenez, Pedro Remon and Guillermo Novo Sampol—who had been convicted of plotting to assassinate Cuban president
during a 2000 visit to Panama. Cuba broke off diplomatic relations with the country, and Venezuelan president
recalled the nation's ambassador. Moscoso stated that the pardons had been motivated by her mistrust of Torrijos, saying, "I knew that if these men stayed here, they would be extradited to Cuba and Venezuela, and there they were surely going to kill them there." Moscoso also issued pardons to 87 journalists for defamation convictions dating back as far as 14 years. On July 2, 2008, all of the 180 pardons Moscoso had issued were overturned as unconstitutional by the .
During the Torrijos presidency, Moscoso remained an active member of the opposition. In September 2007, she criticized the appointment of PRD politician , who was wanted in the US for the murder of US Army sergeant , as the head of the National Assembly. In the same year, she joined Endara and Perez Balladares in lobbying the
to investigate the
government's refusal to renew the broadcasting license of opposition station
in Venezuela.
Since leaving office, Moscoso has also served as a member of the ' Council of Women World Leaders, a network intended "to promote good governance and enhance the experience of democracy globally by increasing the number, effectiveness, and visibility of women who lead at the highest levels in their countries."
  :
Grand Officer of the
(November 26, 2002)
Grand Cross of the
(July 25, 2003)
David Gonzalez (September 2, 1999). . The New York Times.
from the original on September 15, .
. Encyclopaedia Britannica.
from the original on September 15, .
. Centro de Estudios y Documentacion Internacionales de Barcelona.
from the original on 14 December .
. The Economist.  – via  (subscription required). August 28, .
Mireya Navarro (May 3, 1999). . The New York Times.
from the original on September 15, .
Howard W. French (February 21, 1994). . The New York Times.
from the original on September 2, .
Douglas Farah (May 9, 1994). . The Washington Post.
from the original on September 2, .
. University of Missouri-Saint Louis.
from the original on September 2, .
Serge F. Kovaleski (May 3, 1999). . The Washington Post.  – via  (subscription required) 2012.
. Summits of the Americas Secretariat.
from the original on 14 December .
. The Economist.  – via  (subscription required). September 22, .
. The Economist.  – via  (subscription required). October 7, .
. NotiCen  – via  (subscription required). May 2, .
Serge F. Kovaleski (January 18, 2000). . The Washington Post.  – via  (subscription required) 2012.
. The Economist.  – via  (subscription required). March 15, .
. The Economist.  – via  (subscription required). May 8, .
Mary Jordan (May 2, 2004). . The Washington Post.  – via  (subscription required) 2012.
. The Economist.  – via  (subscription required). May 1, .
Steven R. Weisman (September 2, 2004). . The New York Times.
from the original on September 15, .
Glenn Kessler (August 27, 2004). . The Washington Post.
from the original on September 15, .
Juan Zambrano (July 2, 2008). . Associated Press  – via  (subscription required) 2012.
Steve Inskeep (September 4, 2007). . Morning Edition. National Public Radio 2012.
Diana Cariboni (May 31, 2007). . Inter Press Service.  – via  (subscription required) 2012.
. goldengirlfinance.ca. September 17, 2012.
from the original on 14 December .
(PDF). The Wilson Center.
from the original on 14 December .
. The Wilson Center. 15 December 2012.
from the original on 14 December .
Nomination by Sovereign Ordonnance
Nomination by Sovereign Ordonnance
Harding, Robert C. (2006). The History of Panama. Greenwood Press.  .
Skard, Torild (2014) "Mireya Moscoso" in Women of Power - Half a century of female presidents and prime ministers worldwide, Bristol: Policy Press IBSN 978-1-.
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: Hidden categories:[人名] 米雷娅
米雷娅莫斯
大家都在背：
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3. 米雷娅莫斯
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1. 娅·莫斯科索·德格鲁韦尔
...米雷娅·莫斯科索·德格鲁韦尔编辑娅·莫斯科索·德格鲁韦尔(Mireya Moscoso de Gruber)巴拿马前总统、日生于巴拿马城的一个教师家庭、由于家境贫寒，米蕾娅1963年中学毕业后辍学从商，担任社会保险公司总部的执行秘书、米蕾娅1964年涉足政坛，帮助阿尔努福·阿里亚斯.
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...总统、日生于巴拿马城的一个教师家庭、由于家境贫寒，米蕾娅1963年中学毕业后辍学从商，担任社会保险公司总部的执行秘书、米蕾娅1964年涉足政坛，帮助阿尔努福·阿里亚斯搞竞选活动、米雷娅·莫斯科索·德格鲁韦尔(Mireya Moscoso de Gruber)巴拿马前总统。日生于巴拿马城的一个教师家庭。由于家境贫寒，米蕾娅1963年中学毕业后辍学从商，担任社会保险公司总部的执行秘书。米蕾娅1964年涉足政坛，帮助阿尔努福·阿里亚斯.
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This name uses : the first or paternal
is Endara and the second or maternal family name is Galimany.
Guillermo David Endara Galimany (May 12, 1936 – September 28, 2009) was
from 1989 to 1994. Raised in a family allied to
founder , Endara attended school in exile in the United States and Argentina following Arias's removal from power. Endara later received a law degree in Panama. He subsequently served as a member of Panama's , and briefly as a government minister before heading into exile again following Arias' third overthrow.
After Arias' death in 1988, Endara became a leading opponent of the
military dictatorship, heading the opposition coalition in the . Though his coalition was judged by international observers as having defeated pro-Noriega candidate , the results were annulled by the government, and Endara and his running mates were attacked in the streets by the paramilitary . The assaults received widespread coverage in international media, helping to build support within the U.S. for military action against Noriega. Seven months later, the , and swore in Endara as the new president on the first night of the invasion on a U.S. military base.
During his presidency, Endara abolished the Panamanian military and replaced it with a national police force. Endara's term saw steady economic growth and a return of democratic institutions, but also high unemployment rates. His administration was marked by internal fighting and corruption scandals, and his popularity plummeted. He was succeeded by opposition candidate
on September 1, 1994.
Endara ran for office again in 2004 and 2009, but lost to
party candidate
and to independent candidate . He died of a
on September 28, 2009, several months after his last campaign.
Endara was born in 1936 in Panama City, Panama. His father, Guillermo Endara Paniza, was an ally of
founder , and the family went into exile after Arias was overthrown in a 1941 coup. Endara went to school in Argentina and to
in the United States, where he was described as being a "brilliant student". He later attended the University of Panama Law School, where he graduated first in his class, and .
He returned to Panama in 1963 to practice law, and specialized in . He co-founded the firm of Solis, Endara, Delgado and Guevara, one of Panama's most successful law firms. He won his first public office in 1964, but declined to take it due to evidence of
in the election.
Endara later served two terms in the . In 1968, Endara served as minister of planning and economic policy during Arias's very brief third term as president. When Arias was overthrown again in October 1968, Endara went underground, was jailed briefly in 1971, and joined Arias in exile until 1977. Endara remained politically engaged and when Arias died in 1988, Endara became a leading opposition figure.
In the , Endara ran as the candidate of the Democratic Alliance of Civic Opposition (ADOC), a coalition of parties opposed to military ruler . His rival was , a candidate selected by Noriega. The US government contributed $10 million to Panamanian opposition campaigns, though it was unknown whether Endara received any of this money.
To safeguard against planned vote-rigging by Noriega, ADOC organized a count of results from the country's election precincts before they were sent to the district centers. It showed Endara trouncing Duque by a nearly 3-to-1 margin. Noriega's cronies took phony tally sheets to the district centers, but by this time the opposition's count was already out. International observers led by former US President
and a separate group of observers appointed by US President
also agreed that Endara had won a decisive victory. Noriega had planned to declare Duque the winner regardless of the actual results, but Duque refused to go along. Regardless, Noriega annulled the results before counting was complete due to "foreign interference."
The next day, Endara and his running mates,
and , led a contingent of a thousand supporters to protest the annulment of the elections and urge that the ADOC candidates be recognized as the winners. The protest was attacked by a detachment of , a paramilitary group supporting Noriega, and the three candidates were badly beaten. Endara was struck with an iron club, leaving a gash on his head. He was briefly hospitalized and received eight stitches. Images of the attacks on Endara and Ford were carried by media around the world, and were credited with building public support in the US for the invasion that would soon follow.
The US armed forces overthrew Noriega's government during the
in December 1989. Endara had by this time taken refuge in the military bases under US control. American officials told Noriega that if he did not accept the presidency, the only alternative would be an undisguised American occupation. Though Endara had opposed US military action during his campaign, he accepted the presidency, stating later that, "morally, patriotically, civically I had no other choice". He was certified the winner of the election and inaugurated at
on December 20, 1989. Arias was inaugurated as first vice president, and Ford as second vice president. Unlike previous rulers
and Noriega, Endara appointed only whites to ministerial positions, excluding Panama's large
population and other ethnicities.
Seen as a restorer of democracy, Endara was later noted for having defended freedom of speech and democratic institutions. He also oversaw a reform of the , purging Noriega loyalists, asserting the primacy of the civilian government, and returning the group from military to a national police force. In October 1994, the National Assembly passed an amendment abolishing the military at Endara's urging, becoming the second Latin American country to do so.
In early 1991, the ADOC coalition began to unravel as Endara, Arias, and Ford publicly criticized one another. On April 8, accusing Arias's
of not rallying to his support during an impeachment vote, Endara dismissed Arias from the cabinet. Arias resigned from the vice presidency on December 17, 1992, stating at a news conference that Endara's government "does not listen to the people, nor does it have the courage to make changes". Endara responded that Arias's resignation was "demagoguery" and "merely starting his 1994 political campaign ahead of time".
Endara's term in office saw marked economic recovery from the nation's years of military rule. During his presidency, Panama had an average annual economic growth of 8%. However, unemployment also rose near 19%. In February 1990, the overweight Endara began a hunger strike in the Metropolitan Cathedral to call attention to the nation's poverty and to pressure US President
to dispense previously pledged American aid. In the course of the strike, he lost more than thirty of his two hundred and sixty pounds.
By May 1992, Endara's public approval rating had fallen from its initial 70% to only 10%. The
later described Endara's administration as being "tarnished by scandal". Among other financial scandals, Endara's wife
was accused of reselling food that had been donated by Italy on the streets of . In 1992, Diaz won $125,000 in the national lottery and indicated that she intended to keep the money rat the incident was also cited as an example of the Endara's administration's lack of concern for Panama's poor.
In 2004, Endara broke with the Arnulfista party over differences of opinion with the party's leader, Panamanian president , and accused the party of corruption. He ran in the
as the candidate of the , on a platform of reducing crime and government corruption. His primary rival was
(PRD) candidate , son of the former military dictator . Martín Torrijos ran on a platform of strengthening democracy and negotiating a free trade agreement with the US, and was supported by popular musician and politician . Endara finished second, receiving 31% of the vote to Torrijos' 47%.
He later founded his own political party, the , and in 2009 was again a candidate for the .
party won the election with 61% of the vote, while PRD candidate
won 37%. Endara placed a distant third, with 2% of the vote.
Just a few months later, on September 28, 2009, Endara died at the age 73 in his apartment in , of a
while preparing dinner. He was given a state funeral on September 30 attended by President Martinelli as well as former presidents Perez Balladares, Moscoso, and Torrijos.
Endara married his first wife Marcela, in 1961; the couple had one daughter, Marcelita, and three grandchildren, Javier, Marcela Victoria and Jacob. Marcela died of a heart attack in 1989 while Endara was hospitalized from the attack by the Dignity Brigades. He remarried on June 11, 1990, at the age of 54, to , a 22-year-old law student of Chinese origin. Endara was reportedly so happy in the marriage that he would even leave cabinet meetings for "a quick cuddle". The marriage received widespread coverage and mockery in the Panamanian press, including a new nickname for Endara, El Gordo Feliz ("Happy Fatty").
Douglas Martin (September 30, 2009). . The New York Times 2012.
Phil Davison (October 2, 2009). . The Independent 2012.(subscription required)
Ana Teresa Benjamin (September 29, 2009). . La Prensa (in Spanish).
from the original on October 27, .
. Albany Times Union. Associated Press. December 21, . (subscription required)
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from the original on April 4, .
Koster, R.M.; Guillermo Sánchez (1990). In the Time of the Tyrants: Panama, . New York City: Norton.  .
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from the original on October 29, .
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from the original on August 31, .
. Pittsburgh Post-Gazette. May 11, .
(January 30, 1990). . The Washington Post 2012.  – via  (subscription required)
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from the original on August 31, .
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from the original on August 31, .(subscription required)
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. The Telegraph. October 2, 2009.
from the original on August 31, .
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. The Economist. May 8, .(subscription required)
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Juan Zamorano (May 4, 2009). . Associated Press 2012.(subscription required)
Jose Gonzalez Pinilla and Eliana Morales Gil (September 29, 2009). . La Prensa (in Spanish).
from the original on October 27, .
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from the original on October 27, .
. Toledo Blade. Associated Press. June 11, 1990.
from the original on August 31, .
Harding, Robert C. (2006). The History of Panama. Greenwood Press.  .
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